They Wanted War
History dictates that we may well get dragged into this. Puppet Penny is far too experienced not to understand the timing, the optics, and the strategic consequences. She knows that peace was clearly not the objective, but was very quick off the mark with statements supporting the attacks; she chose alignment over scrutiny. Perhaps looking out for her own prospects, post-politics. Australia deserves better than reflexive support for escalation dressed up as stability.
In the days before the first missiles were launched on 28 February, the public narrative around the nuclear talks between Washington and Tehran was not one of collapse; that was an outright lie. It was actually cautious, even surprising, optimism. The third round of indirect negotiations between the United States and Iran had just concluded in Geneva, mediated by Badr Albusaidi on behalf of Oman. Far from describing deadlock, the Omani foreign minister spoke openly of significant progress. He referred to new and creative ideas, the identification of common ground, and technical pathways forward. In interviews immediately afterwards, including on American television, he went further, describing a deal as within reach and even characterising the moment as an unprecedented breakthrough.
Iran had signalled a willingness to accept conditions that went well beyond what it had previously conceded. These included zero stockpiling of enriched uranium, the conversion of existing stockpiles into irreversible civilian fuel, full verification by the International Atomic Energy Agency, and a renewed commitment not to pursue nuclear weapons. For years, Western governments had framed precisely these issues as core proliferation concerns. Now, there appeared to be movement on them. Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, described the atmosphere as more serious than in earlier rounds and acknowledged that while differences remained, agreements had been reached on elements of a potential framework.
This wasn’t a finalised treaty. There was no signed document, no formal breakthrough announcement from Washington, and no illusion that decades of mistrust had evaporated. Yet the tone was different from previous cycles of negotiation. Technical talks were reportedly due to continue in Vienna the following week. Diplomacy had not failed. It appeared to be inching forward.
Then, within hours of this upbeat assessment, the coordinated US–Israeli operation began. The campaign struck Iranian nuclear and missile sites and targeted elements of the country’s leadership and military infrastructure. The escalation was immediate and decisive. Hopes of resumed talks vanished overnight. Albusaidi publicly expressed dismay, warning that military action at such a moment risked derailing negotiations just as prospects for progress had emerged. The diplomatic track stopped. It has not resumed.
The mediator spoke of breakthrough concessions, including zero stockpiling and enhanced inspections. Iran signals flexibility it had not shown before. Technical talks are scheduled. Then, before that process can continue, airstrikes begin. For those inclined to scepticism, the inference is hard to ignore. If the negotiations were moving toward a compromise that preserved aspects of Iran’s nuclear capability under strict oversight, that may have been precisely what some in Washington and Tel Aviv wished to avoid. A functioning deal would have undercut arguments for immediate military action and weakened the case for maximalist demands such as full dismantlement of Iran’s nuclear infrastructure or broader regime change.
Watch the interview with Oman’s FM here.
Trump and Netanyahu wanted war and regime change. Simple as that. Nothing else was acceptable. We’ve known that all along.
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